The strength of this chapter lies on the fact that the writer enumerated very well the structures and the institutions that were put in place to deal with the conflicts that took place in Sudan state. These include the establishment of administrative ND Judicial commissions of inquiry’s use of law enforcement agencies, promotion of inter-religious dialogue and diversity management etc. Far reaching policy decisions were taken by Governor- Named Mazurka where he created more chiefdoms and more traditional institutions.
Those chiefdoms created were mostly in the Southern Sudan- Christian dominated areas where there has been complain of normalization – Jab, Agro and Moron were the new chiefdoms created for the fact that government expanded and created institutions in direct response to the inflict and the complaints from Agony Kate people is a clear indication that the complaints of the people of Southern Sudan was genuine. The weaknesses of this chapter lies on the executive power influence and control of the traditional institutions in the state by the Emirate council and the power that be in the Kari Emirate.
The activities of the Emirate has remained a treat to the southern Sudan people couple with the continuous power domination at the state level by the Hausa/ Fibula. Government has been apt in responding to all the conflicts but they have not anteed each of the conflicts in the way that could bring an end to it. Their actions have always stopped at commission’s submission of reports and sometime white paper report but not releasing and implementation of recommendations. The actions by government has been interpreted to mean they are not serious about the problem of conflicts in the state talk less of solving them.
The re-occurrence of the conflict is also believed to be as a result of some people benefiting from it and so, they will always be out frustrating government efforts. This chapter never said anything in hat direction except the unfortunate attitude of the then, head of state president Abraham Bandaging, and the secretary of the federal Government Alkali Allay Mohammed who were reported to have influenced the report of Justice Saddlebags tribunal and wanted those found guilty in the crisis of 1992 executed.
The biased position taken by the duo who happen to be both Hausa/Fibula Muslims was seen as a conspiracy to wipe the strong men from the Christian area of Southern Sudan. The similarity of the terms of reference, reports and sometimes of the white paper also remained a serious point for suspicion of witch hunting. The use of police and other law enforcement agencies became an issue because of the religious sentiments in the 2000 Sudan crisis where the GO and the police had Task, Cabala without security until the next day.
This led to loss of lives both on the Christian’s and Muslims sides although there was a complain that Christians were favored against the Muslims. The composition of the commission of inquiry for all the crisis were dominated by a particular religious group in terms of membership. In spite of the strategies the successive governments employed to deal with conflicts in Sudan state visit-a-biz the institutions and structures, there is a glaring evidence of failure of such structures to address conflict in the state- a very unfortunate situation.
Chapter 8 This chapter provided key recommendations and draws conclusion by relating the Sudan case to the larger Northern Nigeria experience. Basically Hussein’ Abdul, reported well in respect of Government failure to achieve ethnic and religious harmony, due to its inability to secure people’s trust and confidence. We see as very unfortunate that Government in some of the Northern states nearly have bias against Christianity and this is a strong issue that must be dealt with immediately if we must have peace in the North.
Exclusion of people in policy making, democracy and government refusal to be sensitive to the yarning and feelings of the locals who form the majority could be strong reasons for conflict. Similarly absence of true protection of peasant farmers who form the majority in all the states of the federation can also be a major source of conflict. Finally, We are in tandem with Abdul on his position that, Government, need to stop focusing more on issues that divide us. Rather, they should focus more about managing those issues.
The issues are summarized as follows: * Complaints of Hausa/Fibula domination and appropriation of native land * The issues of increase in poverty in the Region * The issues of unemployment * Issues of chiefdoms * Issues of political representation * Issues of creation of states and local government areas * Issues of contest for political positions * Issues of politics of exclusion and normalization * Issues surrounding citizenship, market, cultural practices and other related issues. End Jacob Gaga. (JUJU/2012/CAMPS/0047)